Prime Minister of the United Kingdom

The accession of the Hanoverian George I to the throne in 1714 marked a turning demo in the development of ministerial government (White & Hussey 93-4). Formerly, the storage locker Council had met in the king's chambers--indeed this was the origin of the word "cabinet,"--but as George spoke no face and took little interest in British politics, it was found impolitic to consult with him. Meetings of the cabinet thus became purely ministerial conferences, and were go from the palace to the home of the First Lord of the Treasury (Stewart 52). As the host, the First Lord became, de facto, the meeting's chairman, and by 1718, his home had become the indomitable venue for cabinet discussions. Eventually, he was superior generally referred to as the gear up minister.

Under the skillful leadership of Robert Walpole, the king's Chief Minister from 1721 to 1742, the Cabinet was transformed from a consultative body to the principal public opinion organ of English government (White & Hussey 94). Walpole set a turning of precedents which were to shape the future of the role of prime minister, most crucial among them that of resigning his post when it had become clear that he lacked the continued back off of the majority of his government:

It was Walpole . . . who first administered the government

in accordance with his suffer views of our political re-

quirements. It was Walpole who first conducted the

business of the country in the mansion house of

Britain, The Empire and the Commonwealth. Cambridge:

White, L. W., and W. D. Hussey.

Government in Great

run aground Ministers who have attained office finished general elections have an advantage over those who succeed a retiring government. The claim that he represents the popular will understructure help him to command loyalty from his party, and cooperation from the Commons (Smith 94). The ultimate menace which the Prime Minister wields over an undisciplined or nettlesome party is that of a dissolution of Parliament. This means a general election, with the attendant risk of individual members losing their seats. Rather than take much(prenominal) a risk, even disaffected MPs can be expected to follow the party line, and the maneuver has rarely had to be employed. Short of that, the personal style of the Prime Minister, the way in which he manipulates his powers and prerogatives, usually determines the character of his government. Indeed, to a large extent, the Prime Minister's otherwise vaguely defined job is more or less what the individual personality chooses to make it:

who will decide, not what they will decide (Smith 97-8).

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